The Absolution of Barack Obama

On September 4, 2010, in Afghanistan, Health Care, Iraq, Uncategorized, barack obama, by If Bush Did It

Newsweek ‘s Jonathan Alter just doesn’t get it. See, ” ‘The Illustrated Man’ .” Obama’s certainly socialist — or neo-socialist, as Jonah Goldberg has explained — and that’s to say nothing of “terror-coddling.” Our maddening times demand that the truth be forthrightly stated at the outset, and not just that the president has nothing in common with the führer beyond the possession of a dog. The outlandish stories about Barack Hussein Obama are simply false: he wasn’t born outside the United States (the tabloid “proof” has been debunked as a crude forgery); he has never been a Muslim (he was raised by an atheist and became a practicing Christian in his 20s); his policies are not “socialist” (he explicitly rejected advice to nationalize the banks and wants the government out of General Motors and Chrysler as quickly as possible); he is not a “warmonger” (he promised in 2008 to withdraw from Iraq and escalate in Afghanistan and has done so); he is neither a coddler of terrorists (he has already ordered the killing of more “high value” Qaeda targets in 18 months than his predecessor did in eight years), nor a coddler of Wall Street (his financial-reform package, while watered down, was the most vigorous since the New Deal), nor an enemy of American business (he and the Chamber of Commerce favor tax credits for small business that were stymied by the GOP to deprive him of a victory). And that’s just the short list of lies. And of course it’s not Obama’s fault that these perceptions — right or wrong — stick like melted marshmallows. It’s that like many things, there’s another side to it. Language, for one thing. Obama just doesn’t have the knack for appearing American, much less resoloute. I mean, he spent the first year touring the globe apologizing for America’s allegedly racist, imperialist history. And on foreign policy, every big decision in the war on terror has been worse than removing impacted molars. Minimizing our threats and prolonging tough decisions on troop requests is just the start of it. Forget sympathy for sharia, Obama sympathizes with Iran’s frantic efforts to get the bomb. And the bills are coming due. Worse than Jimmy Carter is a pretty accurate dismissal at this point, but we’ll know more on November 2. Most voters are probably thinking along more pragmatic lines, like job-creation, and because this administration focused on such non-socialist agenda items like non-socialist nationalized health care over restoring the economy, the Democrats are looking to a defeat of bloodbath proportions. ” Obama’s Waterloo ” is sounding pretty accurate these days, although folks dismissed the idea back in the day.

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The Absolution of Barack Obama

State report urges Mexico to improve human rights (AP)

On September 3, 2010, in Uncategorized, by If Bush Did It

AP – The Obama administration is withholding $26 million in aid to Mexico, recommending that the government give more power to its human rights commission and crack down on abusive soldiers.

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State report urges Mexico to improve human rights
(AP)

At FrontPage Magazine , David Horowitz has some background on his new book, Reforming Our Universities : The campaign we launched can only be understood in the context of previous developments in higher education. The modern research university was created in the second half of the 19 th Century during the era of America’s great industrial expansion, its curriculum shaped by two innovations: the adoption of scientific method as the professional standard for knowledge, and the extension of educational opportunity to a democratic public. Before these developments, America’s institutions of higher learning were “primarily religious and moral” schools of instruction. In the words of James Duderstadt, president of the University of Michigan, “colleges trained the ministers of each generation, passing on ‘high culture’ to a very small elite.” The avowed mission of these early collegiate institutions was to instill the doctrines of a particular religious denomination. It was not to foster the analytic skepticism associated with modern science but to pass on the literary and philosophical culture that supported a specific faith. By contrast, “the core mission of the research university,” as recently summarized by one of its leaders, “is … expanding and deepening what we know.” In pursuit of this goal, “the research university relies on various attributes, the most important of which are the processes of rigorous inquiry and reasoned skepticism, which in turn are based on articulated norms that are not fixed and given, but are themselves subject to re-examination and revision. In the best of our universities faculty characteristically subject their own claims and the norms that govern their research to this process of critical reflection.” This has been the credo of American higher education throughout the modern era and is still the norm in the physical and biological sciences and most professional schools throughout the contemporary university. Liberal arts colleges within the university are the divisions through which all undergraduates pass, and have been traditionally viewed as cornerstones of a democratic society, where students are taught how to think rather than told what to think. The curriculum of the modern research university supported these objectives. It was designed to inculcate pragmatic respect for the pluralism of ideas and the test of empirical evidence, and thus to support a society dependent on an informed citizenry. All this began to change when a radical generation of university instructors matriculated onto liberal arts faculties in the 1970s and began altering curricula by creating new inter-disciplinary fields whose inspirations were ideological, and closely linked to political activism. Women’s Studies was one of the earliest of these new fields and remains the most influential, providing an academic model emulated by others. The curricula of Women’s Studies programs are not governed by the principles of disinterested inquiry about a subject but rather by a political mission: to teach students to be radical feminists. The formal Constitution of the Women’s Studies Association makes this political agenda clear: Women’s Studies owes its existence to the movement for the liberation of women; the feminist movement exists because women are oppressed. Women’s studies, diverse as its components are, has at its best shared a vision of a world free not only from sexism but also from racism, class-bias, ageism, heterosexual bias–from all the ideologies and institutions that have consciously or unconsciously oppressed and exploited some for the advantage of others….Women’s Studies, then, is equipping women not only to enter the society as whole, as productive human beings, but to transform the world to one that will be free of all oppression. Thirty years later, the academic landscape had undergone a sea change as a result of the political pressures from feminists, ethnic nationalists, and “anti-war” activists, and the curricular innovations they were able to institute. In 2006, state legislators in Pennsylvania gathered at Philadelphia’s Temple University to hold hearings on academic freedom. Among the witnesses was Stephen Zelnick, a former Vice Provost for Undergraduate Studies and a member of the Temple faculty for 36 years. Zelnick told the legislators of his concern that Temple faculty had grown increasingly monolithic and politically partisan in the years he had been there: “The one-sidedness of the faculty in their ideological commitments and a growing intolerance of competing views [has] resulted in abuse of students, occasionally overt and reported, but most often hidden and normalized, and the degrading of the strong traditions of intellectual inquiry and free expression.” Zelnick then spelled out what this meant in terms of the instruction he had personally reviewed: “As director of two undergraduate programs, I have had many opportunities to sit in and watch instructors. I have sat in on more than a hundred different teachers’ classes and seen excellent, indifferent, and miserable teaching… In these visits, I have rarely heard a kind word for the United States, for the riches of our marketplace, for the vast economic and creative opportunities made available for energetic and creative people (that is, for our students); for family life, for marriage, for love, or for religion.” I think I was lucky, especially as an undergraduate, but in graduate school as well, to have taken courses with very few of the radical, anti-Americanists that Horowitz’s discusses. In fact, I’d be perfectly willing to confess that I wasn’t much affected by hard-left activism in college, only inasmuch as I was a registered Democrat myself, sympathetic to civil rights, anti-poverty and other issues often central to the progressive agenda. It’s when I became a professor, and especially my experience at my college since the Iraq war in 2003, that I’ve come to fully appreciate how institutionalized is the radical left’s program of anti-Americanism and indoctrination. As some readers might recall, I’ve recently adopted a new textbook, American Government and Politics: Deliberation, Democracy, and Citizenship , and I’m thrilled that the text offers an uncommonly robust cultural approach while remaining objectively respectful of other nations and their unique historical and political trajectories. And in shifting my approach along with the book, I’m more frequently having students attempt to defend their more anti-American positions during discussions, and there’s been a couple of highly critical students who’ve been unable to acquit themselves when faced with some Socratic questioning. (And that’s interesting from a learning perspective, if it’s the case that ideology is crowding out critical thinking, which sounds obvious upon reflection.) And I know that my college has some hardline historians and sociologists pushing basically a neo-communist, post-materialist curriculum — heavy on the antiwar and racist/sexist oppression junk — although my political science colleagues are pretty balanced overall. I’ve had my run-ins with leftists over a lot of these issues, for example when I covered the campus screening of Michael Moore’s “Capitalism: A Love Story,” which excoriated the U.S. market system as “evil.” My experience — and my recommendations — at the institutional level is to stand firm against the leftist backlash, which will include allegations of “hate speech” and so forth, while upholding values of rigorous engagement with the facts over ideology; and of course professionalism in interactions with others. And I’m happy to report that I’ve beat back attempts at censorship, and of course outside attacks — from folks like E.D. Kain and The Swashzone communists — that have been dismissed as gratuitous attempts at harassment. In any case, I encourage folks to read Restoring Our Universities , and also check in regularly at FrontPage Magazine and NewsReal Blog , where I’m now a contributing writer.

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Reforming Our Universities: The Campaign For An Academic Bill of Rights

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The Long Road: France and the Roma Expulsions

On September 3, 2010, in Uncategorized, barack obama, by If Bush Did It

On the morning of July 17, 2010, the residents of the French commune of Saint-Aignan awoke to the sound of rioting, though few in the picturesque Loire Valley village could have guessed the reason for all the tumult. The previous night, a Traveler and robbery suspect by the name of Luigi Duquenet had barreled through a police checkpoint in his car, injuring a gendarme in the process, and was accelerating towards a second checkpoint before he was shot and killed. Within hours, dozens of incensed fellow gens du voyage , armed with hatchets and crowbars, were rampaging through the medieval streets of Saint-Aignan, chopping down trees, setting cars alight, pillaging stores, and storming the village police station. “It was,” as Mayor Jean-Michel Billon put it, “a settling of scores between the travelers and the gendarmerie .” The coming weeks would provide ample evidence that the clashes had in no wise settled any scores. By the next day three hundred soldiers were patrolling the streets of Saint-Aignan, and soon thereafter France’s President Nicolas Sarkozy was vowing that the rioters would be “severely punished,” and that the ” the problems created by the behavior of certain Travelers and Roma” would be addressed once and for all. The ensuing measures, Sarkozy continued, would be part of the “implacable struggle the government is leading against crime” and the “veritable war” being waged against those “delinquents” threatening France’s ordre publique . Pierre Lellouche, France’s Minister for Europe, concurred: ” we are faced with a real problem and the time has come to deal with it.” It was not long before French ministers were considering corrective measures ranging from the tightening of immigration controls to the systematic evacuation and dismantling of illegal encampments, the better to deal with the “sources of illegal trafficking, of profoundly shocking living standards, of exploitation of children for begging, of prostitution and of crime.” Such rhetoric in reaction to the events in Saint-Aignan was altogether predictable, given the emphasis placed on matters of law and order by France’s governing U nion pour un Mouvement Populaire (with Sarkozy himself having made international headlines with his 2005 comments about the need to “hose down” lawless estates and root out criminal “scum”), but in this case it cannot be said that the French government was engaging in mere posturing for popular consumption. Some three hundred Roma camps were quickly targeted for demolition, and on August 12, Interior Minister Brice Hortefeux announced that some 850 Roma would be systematically deported to Romania and Bulgaria (albeit each with 300 euros in hand). The first repatriations followed two weeks later, with more planned for the month of September. A lawyer for the Roma leadership, Henri Braun, cautioned that the government was “preparing to open a blighted page in the history of France,” but Sarkozy’s administration may in fact be setting a continental precedent. On August 21, t he Italian Interior Minister, Roberto Maroni, told the daily Corriere della Sera that ” if anything, it’s time to go a step further, ” calling for outright ” expulsions just like those for illegal immigrants, not assisted or voluntary repatriations.” For the various itinerant communities of France — the tsiganes , the manouches , the gitanes , the Roma, and the Sinti — the ongoing crackdown occurring in France, and now threatened elsewhere, is only the most recent chapter in a centuries-old story of tribulation and alienation. The zhalvini gilyi , or dirges, of the Roma folk tradition invariably stress the pitfalls of a peripatetic life on the lungo drom , the “long road.” “Oh Lord,” bemoaned Bronisława Wajs, the mid-twentieth century Polish-Romani poet, “Where can I go? What can I do?” now that “time of the wandering Gypsies has long passed.” A Transylvanian dirge laments: ” God, oh God! How you have thrashed me,/Perhaps nobody more than me,” before concluding “Oh, what can I do, all alone?” The dislocation and unfocused nostalgia that are part and parcel of the itinerant lifestyle, coupled with centuries of persecution, in turn led to widespread fatalism, with one Serbian Gypsy song resignedly foreseeing that “The crack of Doom/is coming soon./Let it come,/it doesn’t matter.” For the Roma and other Travelers, the “crack of Doom” has indeed sounded out with some frequency over the years, as European anti-ziganism is of considerable vintage. Anti-Gypsy sentiment, long a feature of the European social landscape, was first institutionalized in early modern Central Europe, with the Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I outlawing the community in 1500, and with Ferdinand I expelling the scapegoated Roma from Prague after an unexplained 1541 fire. By 1548 the Diet of Augsburg had declared that “whosoever kills a Gypsy, shall be guilty of no murder,” and by 1710 the Holy Roman Emperor Joseph I would go a step further, demanding “that all adult [Roma] males were to be hanged without trial, whereas women and young males were to be flogged and banished forever.” Thirty-nine years later the Spanish monarch Philip V was still taking aim at “this multitude of infamous and noxious people” that needed to be “contained and corrected”; round-ups occurred in Spain and France up through the Napoleonic period. The situation for the Roma, Sinti, and Lalleri was even worse in the east, and it would not be until 1856 that the outright enslavement of Gypsies was abolished in Moldavia and Wallachia. The 20th century would bring no respite, with the coming of the Holocaust (known in Romani as the Samudaripen , “the murder of all,” or the Pharrajimos , “the devouring”). During those berša bibahtale , those “unhappy years,” in Hitler’s Germany, Pavelić’s Croatia, and King Michael I’s Romania, hundreds of thousands of Roma would lose their lives in concentration camps, in hastily dug ditches, and in the laboratories of Josef Mengele. As Adolf Eichmann, the Nazi official who organized the transport of Gypsies to the various death camps of the east, later testified: “i ntervention on behalf of the Gypsies was impossible from any side at all. Obviously, the prejudice against this group was the strongest.” That the grounds of the Lety concentration camp (in the modern Czech Republic), constructed seventy years ago for the Nazi internment of Romani men, women, and children, now hosts an industrial pig farm provides some evidence of the extent to which the Pharrajimos has yet to adequately penetrate the modern European psyche. Even the end of Nazi rule would bring no end to the suffering of the Roma, again particularly in the east, for, as Florinda Lucero and Jill Collum have observed, under Communist rule “a chilling ‘solution’ to the proliferation of the Roma came about: the uninformed and non-consenting sterilization of Roma women, often under the guise of caesarean sections and abortions, and under pressure from social workers who would get their uninformed consent with promises of cash and tangible goods.” (Instances of coercive sterilization of Romani women in the Czech Republic, Slovakia, and Hungary have also occurred in the post-socialist era, indeed as recently as 2008.) Today, discrimination against this marginalized community is routine in central and southeastern Europe, with racially motivated assaults on the rise, Roma communities routinely denied access to sufficient electricity and water, and, in the Czech Republic, to take one example, fully two-thirds of Roma children placed into remedial programs for dysfunctional students. Anti-Roma violence has been on display in Italy, where in May of 2008 a Gypsy settlement outside of Naples was burned to the ground while crowds gathered to cheer, and i n Hungary, where anti-Roma demonstrations in 2009 prompted then-Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsány to warn that ” we have to act while we can, not wait until the prejudices and the urge to vigilantism distill into unmanageable social phenomena.” Such outbreaks of overt anti-ziganism have led János Ladanyi of Budapest’s Center for Social, Regional and Ethnic Conflicts to further caution that ” this road is a dead end. It leads to the Balkans. ” YET THE ROAD THE GYPSIES of Europe are on is not itself at a dead end, as is appropriate for a people historically accustomed to looking at the lungo drom . There have been occasional victories in European courts, including a 2003 ruling in the United Kingdom’s House of Lords ( Wrexham County Borough Council v. Berr ), which held that zoning regulations should not ” impose an excessive burden on the individual whose private interests — here the gypsy’s private life and the retention of his ethnic identity — are at stake,” as well as a 2010 European Court of Human Rights decision finding that Croatia had erred in placing Roma students in Roma-only classrooms. A 2005 photographic exhibit entitled ” Lety Detention Camp: History of Unmentioned Genocide” was prominently featured in the European Parliament, and later was displayed in foyer of the Czech Senate in Prague, prompting President Václav Klaus to acknowledge that “o f course it is necessary to appropriately commemorate this place.” Meanwhile, in Romania, a Comisia pentru Studierea Robiei Romilor , or “Commission for the Study of Roma Slavery,” was established in 2007, and consists of Roma and Romanian historians and social scientists investigating the deep history of southeastern European anti-ziganism. EU Roma summits have taken place in 2008 and 2010, and b y August 2, 2010, the Council of Europe had declared a day of remembrance of the genocide against the Roma, and pledged support for the promotion of Samudaripen education, given that the Roma genocide “is nowhere to be found in European educational materials but should in fact be an integral part of national education curricula.” It seemed a distinct possibility that attitudes towards the Roma might be changing, and that the “Gypsy question” might some day be answered. Yet the expulsions from France, which by the end of August had resulted in 151 obligatory (” de manière contrainte “) and 828 voluntary (” de manière volontaire “) repatriations to Bulgaria and Romania, have overshadowed such progress. Concerns voiced by Roma groups, certain Bulgarian and Romanian politicians, the United Nations, and the European Union have only prompted France to double down on its method of controlling the gens du voyage and their perceived ” menace à l’ordre public .” France’s Immigration Minister, Eric Bresson, has hinted at further measures to crack down on the clandestine immigration of Roma, particular at the French border, while Interior Minister Brice Hortefeux continues to insist that “the objective announced by the president of the republic, that half our country’s illegal camps will be dismantled in three months, will be met.” The French government has roundly rejected any suggestion that these expulsions in any way resemble the infamous rafles , or round-ups, of the Second World War. Deputy Jean-Pierre Grand responded to critics (including Catholic archbishops and opposition politicians) thusly: “Persons are arrested, their identities are verified, and they are offered money to return to their homeland; I would like for someone to explain the connection to the roundups of the Second World War [ Les personnes sont interpellées, leur identité est vérifiée, on leur propose de l'argent pour retourner dans leur pays d'origine: j'aimerais bien qu'on m'explique quel est le lien avec les rafles de la seconde guerre mondiale ].” Pier re Lellouche has proven more defiant still, insisting that the expulsions were designed to guarantee the “first of human rights, which is the right to safety.” While a French court in Lille recently rejected the notion that illegal Roma camps are by their very nature threats to public order, the government has pressed on, planning amendments to French national law that will make “repeated theft or aggressive begging” grounds for expulsion. With crimes committed by Romanians (many of whom are Roma) reported to have increased by 259 percent in Paris over the last eighteen months, with some one in five Parisian thefts perpetrated by a Romanian, and with constant strains on the welfare system exacerbated by the presence of illegal aliens, it was inevitable that the French government would step up measures against unlawfully-present Roma and their camps, brooking no opposition in the process. And it is no coincidence that the crackdown has occurred alongside an overall government-led “debate on national identity” that has been taking place in France over recent months. (That the Roma are paying something of a price for Gallic resentment of other immigrant communities that have likewise yet to fully assimilate cannot be discounted either.) The French government has even raised the possibility of contesting Romanian and Bulgarian entry into the Schengen (border-free) European zone in March of 2011 due to the regular egress of Roma from those countries. Thus the Roma controversy in France figures to have more than merely domestic political ramifications.

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The Long Road: France and the Roma Expulsions

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**Written by Doug Powers By now you can probably read all about this in a revised report to the UN’s Human Rights Council that the Obama administration couldn’t wait to file like a nine year old girl tattling to momma after catching her brother behind the barn reading Playboy, but if you haven’t yet heard, here it is : PHOENIX – The U.S. Justice Department sued Sheriff Joe Arpaio on Thursday, saying the Arizona lawman refused for more than a year to turn over records in an investigation into allegations his department discriminates against Hispanics. The lawsuit calls Arpaio and his office’s defiance “unprecedented,” and said the federal government has been trying since March 2009 to get officials to comply with its probe of alleged discrimination, unconstitutional searches and seizures, and having English-only policies in his jails that discriminate against people with limited English skills. If putting warning signs up in parts of Arizona to deter legal US citizens from travelling through certain areas where they might encounter dangerous illegal activity is an acceptable response to crime, can’t the government just put up signs warning illegals not to travel through Sheriff Arpaio’s jurisdiction and leave it at that? In an additional border security measure, the Feds are also investigating the national security threat that is Chuck E. Cheese. Apparently the manager of the Bensonhurst franchise was overheard calling a pizza “Italian food” and has been accused of profiling. At a Robert Gibbs’ press conference, reporter Bill Plante asked Gibbs why President Obama has been AWOL while Democrats poll numbers have been nosediving. The fact is, Obama hasn’t been AWOL during the nosedive at all — he’s been the one pushing forward hardest on the stick. Update: Arpaio’s office responds — “Not backing down” is an understatement : The Obama administration has filed three lawsuits against Arizona in the last few weeks … one against a college district, one against the state of Arizona and now one against my office. Each lawsuit centers on something to do with alleged racial discrimination. These actions make it abundantly clear that Arizona, including this Sheriff, IS Washington’s new whipping boy. Now it’s time to take the gloves off. As for today’s lawsuit against my office: These people in Washington met with my attorneys only a few days ago. And in that meeting, Washington got our cooperation; they admitted they already have thousands of pages of the requested documents; and they were given access to interview my staff and get into my jails. They smiled in our faces and then stabbed us in the back with this lawsuit. The Obama administration intended to sue us all along, no matter what we did to try to avert it. Washington isn’t playing fair and it’s time Americans everywhere wake up and see this administration for what it really is. Calculating, underhanded at times and certainly not looking out for the best interests of the legal citizens residing in this country. **Written by Doug Powers Twitter @ThePowersThatBe

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Feds Sue Sheriff Arpaio, Investigate Chuck E. Cheese — Border Secure! Update: Arpaio Responds

Obama Marks New Focus in Iraq, at Home

On September 1, 2010, in Iraq, Uncategorized, by If Bush Did It

Obama formally declared an end to combat operations in Iraq and, during an Oval Office address, planned to vow to refocus the government from prosecuting wars to rebuilding the economy.

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Obama Marks New Focus in Iraq, at Home

Radical Dolores Huerta Who Preaches Socialism to American High School Students is Prominently Featured on US Government Website in a Campaign Advocating The Rights of Illegal Aliens

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Obama Adm Uses Child-Indoctrinating Socialist to Promote Illegals Pay Program

Oh noes, it’s a conspiracy!… Rep. Ron Paul (R-Texas) said he plans to introduce legislation next year to force an audit of U.S. holdings of gold. Paul, a longtime critic of the Federal Reserve and U.S. monetary policy, said he believes it’s “a possibility” that there might not actually be any gold in the vaults of Fort Knox or the New York Federal Reserve bank. The  libertarian lawmaker told Kitco News , a website tracking news about precious metals, that an audit was necessary to determine how much the U.S. maintains in gold reserves in case the government were to use gold to back the dollar. “If there was no question about the gold being there, you think they would be anxious to prove gold is there,” he said. “Our Federal Reserve admits to nothing, and they should prove all the gold is there. There is a reason to be suspicious and even if you are not suspicious why wouldn’t you have an audit? “I think it is a possibility,” Paul said when asked if there was truth to rumors that there was actually no gold at Ft. Knox or the New York Fed. Rest here> > >

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Ron Paul Straps on the Tin Foil Hat: Thinks Rumors There’s No Gold at Ft. Knox May be True, Plans to Introduce Legislation…

Feel the love, Mr. President : “Sixty-five percent (65%) of Likely Voters in Illinois are at least somewhat angry at the current policies of the federal government, according to a new Rasmussen Reports statewide telephone survey.

At LAT (via Memeorandum ): The widening consensus that the U.S. economy has slowed to a crawl will be hammered home Friday with the government’s expected announcement that the nation’s second-quarter growth was far more anemic than previously estimated. Many economists believe the Commerce Department will revise its estimate of growth in gross domestic product to 1.3% or lower, down from 2.4% — a dismal performance, especially as the country struggles to rebound from recession. A bad GDP number would cap a week’s worth of troubling developments in the housing and financial markets, and ratchet up the pressure on President Obama and congressional Democrats heading into November’s midterm elections. But just as there is widespread agreement that the economy is faltering, there is also a sense that the federal government is running out of options to rebuild momentum. “Housing is in the tank. Confidence is going down. The stock market is going down. It’s hard to imagine how consumers will spend,” said Sung Won Sohn, an economics professor at Cal State Channel Islands and former chief economist for Wells Fargo. He put the probability that economic growth will slide back into negative territory — a double-dip recession — at “40% and going up.” On Thursday, the Dow Jones industrial average closed below the 10,000 benchmark on the heels of worrisome new economic reports. The government said that while initial unemployment claims last week dipped to to 473,000, from 504,000 the week before, the four-week average still reached its highest point since November. Unemployment was at 9.5% nationally in July and higher in many states, including 14.3% in Nevada, 13.1% in Michigan and 12.3% in California. And a mortgage trade group said that, while foreclosures overall continued to ebb, more homeowners fell behind on their payments — the second straight quarter in which that has happened. With unemployment still stubbornly high, the data suggest that foreclosures could soon ramp up again. Those reports followed news earlier in the week that home sales had fallen to their lowest level in more than a decade, despite mortgage interest rates that are at their lowest levels in nearly 40 years. “All the indicators at the moment are pointing in the wrong direction,” said Bart van Ark, chief economist for the Conference Board, a business research group. See also Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke’s speech from Jackson Hole, Wyoming, ” The Economic Outlook and Monetary Policy .”

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Pathetic GDP Report Signals Death Knell for Hopenchange-Onomics

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